Introduction
Educators
need to be clear about their intentions. There is a need to distinguish between
teaching specifically about the topic of racism, and an antiracist approach to
the whole curriculum and the pedagogies employed. This article will concern itself with teaching about what
racism is, and its major manifestations.
Educators
have the responsibility to acquaint themselves thoroughly with the facts and
extensive literature on racism, and to examine their own views and values
regarding Black people. Attendance at high quality in-service courses on these
issues would assist Educators in their task.
It is a common
view to see racism as an aberration: an accident resulting from an unnecessary
distortion of human social relationships - sometimes historically, sometimes
contemporaneously. At other times racism is ‘explained’ in terms of some
intercultural misunderstanding.
Combating racism
is then seen as simply as a mater of overcoming errors, raising awareness of
such errors, and of adopting adequate corrective measures or mechanisms. Such an
analysis is fundamentally flawed. It does not square with social or historical
facts. Furthermore, it does not take seriously or illuminate the struggles
against, and resistance of Black people to racism, nor does it account for the
conflicts against antiracism.
This perspective
(or ideological position) is considered enlightened and has gained a significant
foothold, often going under the guise of multicultural or cultural diversity
approaches. This approach has the following weaknesses:
There
is an exclusive emphasis on aspects of culture.
Significantly, it ignores Black people’s economic position vis a vis
White people, as well as their differential access to resources and decision
making power in society.
It
presents racial prejudice (as opposed to racism) as the key issue and ignores or
denies the effect of institutional racism.
It
generally reflects a White view of Black cultures as homogeneous, static and
conflict-free, exotic, and is hence demeaning.
It ignores the dynamic of power relations between Black and White people,
historically and in the present.
While
acknowledging the right of people to maintain their cultures, in practice this
support is limited to marginal activities which have little bearing upon social
policies and programmes.
It
ignores the reduced life chances experienced by Black people because of racism.
It, to some extent, implies that a dark skin colour is itself a
disability, when in reality it is the system and the perception of many White
people (in the system) that is at fault.
The tensions between individualism and community loyalty are
present in all communities but may vary in intensity from one ethnic community
to another. Teachers might be heard to say that such and such is an individual,
without realising that members of oppressed groups are rarely afforded the
luxury of being individuals. In encounters between Black and White people, the
Black person often loses his/her individuality, and simply becomes someone
representative of that group. Some experts maintain that human encounters cannot
be purely interpersonal since encounters take account of past and present
economic and cultural relationships between such groups. This stance also
acknowledges the pervasive and powerful impact of racist ideology in society. To
represent any member of an oppressed group as merely an individual is in a sense
a denial of that person's experience of oppression. This denial of shared
experiences also ensures that patterns of group behaviour will never be
deciphered. The notion of culture-conflict ascribed to Black youth, is
predicated upon a static view of culture. It fails to differentiate between
generational conflict, borrowing from another culture, and genuine culture
conflict. White teenagers experience a great deal of conflict with their parents
over which values to follow, and sizeable numbers of young White people do run
away from the strictures of the home.
The notion of culture conflict is essentially racist because
it fails to apply the same criteria to White students, who either run away from
home or in other ways contest the values of their parents. The culture conflict
model does not permit people to have multiple identities. While at one level it
is acknowledged that we all have multiple roles/identities, like mother,
teacher, sister, friend, etc., we rarely talk about these multiple identities,
when particular identities are dominant and the tensions between them. British
society unlike the USA, has greater difficulty in coming to terms with being
Black British or British Asian. It
would seem that in USA, one can celebrate being Hispanic-American or
African-American, but in Britain, the popular public view (articulated by Enoch
Powell) remains that one cannot be English if one is Black. It is interesting
that Black people are often expected to choose one from their multiple
identities to label themselves.
Teaching
Methodology
Those
teaching about racism need to work in collaboration with Black educationalists,
Black communities and local Racial Equality Councils. This is likely to enhance
an understanding the manner in which racism in the neighbourhood manifests
itself and how Black communities are attempting to tackle the problem. The local
context to the issue of racism may give added weight to the problem in the eyes
of students as well as avoid students thinking that racism is problem that
occurs in localities other than their own.
During
any study of this topic there will be racist comments passed. What are the
limitations on debate when offensive and dehumanising remarks are directed at
Black students or their communities? Ground rules, or a code of conduct, shared
with students at the start of the topic, need to be established before teaching
begins. What classroom arrangements will prevail to permit Black students (if
any) to express their experiences of racism? Teachers might need to consider the
advantages of establishing all Black and all White groups for certain activities
(- most probably in the early stages of the course) for the same reason that all
women groups have been established with regard to addressing issues of sexism.
Such arrangements are also likely to bolster the self-confidence of Black
students, and when the two groups do work together, it is more likely that there
will be fuller participation by the Black students. (It is important to avoid
objectifying Black students.)
Teachers
will find it helpful to acquaint themselves with the commonest racist myths,(-
and responses to them.) These myths need to be tackled effectively if
articulated in the class. Also, young people need to be empowered to tackle such
myths when they are voiced by their friends, acquaintances and hostile elements.
In
studying the topic of racism, correct and appropriate use of terminology is of
importance. Words like Black and White will need to be explained as political
groupings. The evolution of the term ‘race’ (- a pseudoscientific
idea) with its original meaning of species, and its subsequent use in terms of
nationality (e.g. Scots race) will need to be explored. Black people and their
cultural practices are often euphemistically called ethnic when in reality all
communities are ethnic, since they share within their group a common history,
language and culture. Instead of labelling Black people as ethnic, it might be
more profitable for teachers to have the students list the varieties of ethnic
groups (including White groups) that live in Britain today. It is essential in
any study of this nature to distinguish between prejudice and racism as two
distinct and identifiable phenomena. It would be appropriate for students to
work towards some definition of racism that take account of its personal,
cultural, institutional, state forms and give some indication of the driving
force (ideology) behind it.
Any
such exercise must also examine the oppression of Jewish and Irish communities,
and contrast it with the experience of Black people. There are certain
similarities - the Irish experienced colonialism and underdevelopment just as
Black people did. However, although there were attempts to racialise the Irish,
this was modelled on what had been done to Black people. Historically colour has
always had a crucial role in racism, and the visibility of Black people compared
to the Irish and Jewish people makes the oppression of Black people distinctive.
Are Jewish people a race, an ethnic group or a religious group? Why can't
Muslims be called a race? How are we to explain differential treatment of
Ethiopian and Middle East Jews compared to European Jews? (This is not to
diminish in any way the violence and discrimination Jewish people have faced
over many centuries.) The vital point to keep in mind, and to emphasise to
students is that race is a social
construct which though it has great social significance, has no scientific
merit.
Any
study of racism must at some stage address the issue of slavery and
indentureship. The latter is rarely studied, but had a very significant impact
on people from India and China. The economic exploitation of Black people
certainly preceded any clearly defined racist ideology elaborated by the
intelligentsia of the day. In dealing with slavery and indentureship, it is
vital to address the issue of resistance (without which any such study is not
only inaccurate but also incomplete.) The abolition of slavery and indentureship
was not down to a few Quakers or other moralists, but crucially depended on
Black resistance to such oppression making it increasingly uneconomic. Added to
this were the very significant voices of Black people campaigning for abolition.
As
one might anticipate a study of colonialism/imperialism by a European nation,
particularly Britain, would be essential to any understanding of racism today.
(The past gives rise to the present!) It might prove fruitful to make
comparisons with Arab imperialism in India and Africa. The unjustified and
insupportable reputation of the Arabs as significant slave traders needs to be
closely examined, both in the light of historical facts (as opposed to western
propaganda, during the European scramble for Africa) and the Islamic strictures
regarding slavery. An accurate account of decolonisation would reveal that the
majority of the colonies did not win independence until the late fifties/early
sixties - if one ignores places like Belize, the Falklands, etc. The British on
each occasion were coerced into leaving by civil disobedience and uprisings,
which the British attempted to contain very brutally. Yet despite this, on
gaining independence, there was no revenge taken against the former colonial
masters. Exploitation continues
into the present era through neocolonialism which currently ensures that the
South (Third World) caters for the North’s (West’s) priorities in terms of
agricultural and mineral production, at the expense of the real needs of the
developing world. In this manner, the underdevelopment so characteristic of
European colonialism is perpetuated today through economic exploitation and
domination.
Before
setting out for teachers, the learning objectives to be stressed in any study of
racism, it is important to draw a distinction between prejudice and racism (-
two words which are often mistakenly used interchangeably.)
Racism
is not the same as prejudice, or even racial prejudice. Essentially, prejudice
consists of uninformed attitudes (as opposed to overt actions) which are usually
of a negative nature and directed at some national, religious group, etc.
Racism
in contrast consists of an elaborated
ideology of superiority, and manifests itself in personal, cultural and
institutional forms. Those who see
multiculturalism as the antidote to racism need to consider that such a
perspective see racism as an aberration or due to ignorance and
misunderstanding. Telling students about other cultures will in itself not
eradicate racism. How information on other cultures will be explored requires
consideration if the teacher is to avoid reinforcing students’ prejudices
and/or racism.
The
Essentials in an Understanding of Racism
-
Racism
is based upon the pseudoscientific notion that humans can be neatly divided
into clearly defined 'races', with the White group implicitly or explicitly
taken as superior to all others. This ideology upheld by the church and the
intelligentsia of the time, justified slavery and colonial exploitation, and
still informs the current behaviour of many White people towards Black
people.
-
Racism
is not new. For some 400 years Black people have been systematically
murdered, enslaved, indentured, colonised and exploited by White people.
That experience has left a deep impression on both groups. The history of
slavery and indentureship need to be explored. The roots of modern racism
are to be found in that history.
-
Racism
is not a matter of opinion nor is it over-sensitivity on the part of Black
people. Racism is documented in government statistics and the work of
independent researchers. All students should be made aware of the facts of
racism. Racism manifests itself as a structural inequality in society where,
in general, Black people receive worse housing, social services, promotion
prospects, etc. Racism (like sexism) is economically beneficial to the
dominant group - one major reason why real change is resisted.
-
Racism
can usefully be categorised for convenience as personal, cultural and
institutional. These forms are manifest in Britain although the White public
tend to highlight racial attacks and abuse, which are usually blamed on
extreme right wing organisations.
-
Racism
should not be dismissed as characteristic merely of neo-fascist parties and
their supporters, or a few misguided individuals. To depict racists as the
embodiment of evil is not only incorrect, but also seriously misleading,
because it portrays racism as mostly a moral issue when it is really a
matter of economic and structural inequality operating at all levels of
society. Racist assumptions, beliefs and actions are just as likely on the
part of the local bank manager as the trade union activists (as history and
recent research shows.) Racism is most certainly not confined to any
particular part of the political spectrum.
-
The
racism of trade unions is well documented and needs to be addressed since
union representatives frequently negotiated better pay, promotion and
working conditions (shift work, etc.) for their White members.
Many strikes were a direct result of Black workers refusing to accept
pay differentials for the same work or because Black workers were denied
promotion. The Trade Union movement frequently abandoned its Black workers
(as happened in the Grunwick strike) despite having proportionately more
Black registered members than White. Some White supporters of the Left have
trouble coming to terms with such verifiable facts.
-
Since
it is a popular myth that Black people came here to steal White people's
jobs, the facts concerning Black and White employment need to be presented
and analysed. The specific recruitment of Black people by the NHS and
various local councils because of the shortfall of labour in post-war
Britain needs to be explored. This should address the matter of migration
from the former British colonies. The differences in experience of White
migrants, while sharing certain commonalities with Black migrants, was
fundamentally different as can be seen in the literature. The cause of
migration (underdevelopment due to colonialism) needs to be addressed as
does the impact of such migration on not only the development of the country
of origin but also the receiving country. Links can be made here with the
Irish experience, although the experience of successive generations of Irish
people is in some aspects different to that of Black people.
-
Racism
is reproduced through the family, media and the education system, which not
only promote cultural racism through Eurocentric values/perceptions, but
also reproduce and confirm the inequalities of society, based upon race
(gender and class). Students ought to analyse how the media portrays Black
people (and Black women in particular). In addition, students ought to be
encouraged to examine the ways in which their own institution perpetuates
inequalities. The treatment an individual receives in society and its
institutions depends upon an interaction between race, gender and class
positions of that individual in society. The relative weighting of these
factors will change with time and the nature of the society being studied.
-
It
is important that informed Black people's perspectives on racism be accepted
since the alternative of the dominant group defining the situation or
experiences of the oppressed is problematic. This avoids a reinterpretation
by White people of Black people's experiences. White people often label
Black people's views as antagonistic because they do not behave in a
stereotypical fashion or refuse to accept their allocated role. Black
people, like women who assert themselves, are usually accused of being
either aggressive or oversensitive. Such labelling needs to be questioned.
-
Racist
attitudes are not directly produced by the presence of Black people. This
blaming of racism on the victims is still prevalent among some White people.
The myth that tight immigration control leads to better 'race relations' has
been exploded by events over the last twenty years - not least the street
disturbances in 1981/85. Those who would argue that good 'race relations'
are linked to tight control of Black immigration, posit the blame for racism
on Black people. This in a reductionist argument leads to the notion that by
ridding this country of Black people, racism would disappear - which of
course is not true since the racist ideology and views predicted upon such
an ideology would still be in place. Another pitfall is the commonplace
accusation that Black people are racist too (reverse racism). This is often
a justification of racist behaviour on the part of White people. Racism
requires an ideology of racial superiority and the power structurally and
economically to translate this superiority into action. Contrary to popular
misconceptions, there is no society in the world where Black people
systematically oppress White people in a manner similar to what happens to
Black people in European states. It also ought to be added that White people
living in/visiting Black countries, by and large receive better treatment
than Black people (due to internalised racism)!
-
Current
immigration laws are culturally and institutionally racist. They continue to
divide families who have the legal right to be united, imprison innocent
visitors to Britain, and discriminate specifically against Black people. The
detention without trial of suspected illegal immigrants even surpasses the
draconian measures used with suspected terrorists. Deportations with no
right of appeal in Britain (- appeals are permitted only once the person
returns to the country of origin -) are common place.
Divorced Black women who came to Britain to marry their husbands are
routinely deported. The issue is not whether immigration controls should be
removed, but that the laws be made non racist. At present such laws set the tone for the treatment of Black
people already here and those who have legally gained entry. It is
commonplace for Black people to carry passports in case they are stopped by
the police. It is important that
students understand the chronology of the basic Immigration Laws passed and
their impact. The use of newspaper reports etc. would be helpful in
demonstrating how hysteria about immigration was manipulated by politicians
and newspaper editors. This can be followed up into more recent decades by
examining the reporting of the Tamil refugee situation, and the issue of
granting passports to Hong Kong residents.
-
Policing
of Black communities has been racist and continues to cause resentment among
Black people. This experience may be in marked contrast to that of some
White people, even though, even here, certain groups like the miners,
Greenham Common women and demonstrators outside Wapping, now see the police
in a very different light. There have been several independent researches
(e.g. PSI Report 1983) confirming the racism and sexism of the police force.
A regular complaint by Black communities is that the police fail to act or
accept the racist nature of the complaint when racist attacks are reported.
Giving police responsibilities for policing immigration laws that suspect
every Black person of being a possible 'illegal immigrant' exacerbates the
situation. Police raids on Black people where they work or gather, to check
passports, have been well documented and such occurrences have routinely
infringed the civil liberties of Black British
citizens.
-
The
'riots' of 1980/81/85 (- called uprisings by many Black people -) were a
reaction to policing and racism. Other oppressed groups like White working
class youths found certain experiences were shared in common with Black
communities. However, so called race riots are not new since they occurred
in 1919, 1948 and 1958, and were well documented in the press - except in
these instances they consisted of White people attacking Black people! The
Thatcher government propaganda denied civil unrest had ever been a feature
of Britain's past and blamed the unrest on supposed extremists and criminal
elements. Such government views were not only ahistorical, but they echoed
the responses of state governors when civil unrest occurred in the US during
the late sixties and early seventies.
-
The
long presence of Black people in Britain is a factor worth stressing
considering that the majority of the public believe that the presence of
Black people is a phenomena dating back only to the l950s or later.
Black people first came to this country before the Angles and Saxons,
in the guise of soldiers in the Roman army, and of course have had a
substantial presence since the days of slavery. The notion that White
Britons have been welcoming to
visitors in the past is simply not supportable in fact. The radical change
in attitudes to Black people during the first and second wars is worth
mentioning and exploring.
- Finally,
the framing of, and implications of the Race Relations Act 1976 on service
provision and employment needs to be tackled. Distinctions will need to be
made between the legislators' definitions of race (an all White group
operating in the early 1960s when racial harmony models were beginning to
emerge) and those currently
suggested in the literature. The weaknesses of the legislation in comparison
to anti-discrimination legislation in the US would make a worthwhile study.
It is important however to realise that positive discrimination is illegal
in this country, while it is permissible in the US under the title of
affirmative action. This should not be confused with positive action,
described in Sections 35, 37 and 38 of the Race Relations Act.
Concluding
Remarks
Finally,
it is worth repeating that the methodology employed in the classroom requires
careful consideration. It is important to stress that moral lecturing at
students will often prove counter productive. Investigative techniques will need
to be developed. The grouping of students will need to be examined very
carefully. It is essential that Black students are not objectified. Issues of
White (and often working class) identity ought to be examined. What does it mean
to be White? Despite the fact that certain values embedded in White cultures are
problematic (- which culture does not have values that need questioning?-)
it is important that students are not guilt tripped. Students can only be
responsible for their own actions, but not for those of their predecessors.
Guilt often paralyses, and therefore such White students would not be able to
play their part in the struggle for justice and equality. White students, in the
final analysis must feel good about being White without necessarily subscribing
to the racism that has sedimented into White British cultures over the
centuries. So called racial harmony cannot be achieved while the roots of that
disharmony - racism, remains unchallenged. The struggle for justice and equality
is both difficult and long but nevertheless a worthy enterprise.
No
teacher ought to embark lightly on teaching about racism. It is not a subject to
cover in half measures. When well taught, this topic will be challenging to all
concerned, and if taught badly could exacerbate the racist attitudes and
behaviour of some White students, and further alienate Black students instead of
equipping all students to better understand and challenge racism. Some degree of
success can be guaranteed only if there is thorough teacher planning,
thoughtfulness and use of appropriate methodologies. Important resources for
teachers teaching this topic, are given below. The extensive nature and variety
of suggested reading is indicative of the complexity of the issue.
©
Shahid Ashrif & Student Youth Work Online 2001
ENDNOTES
– EXPLAINING TERMINOLOGY & CONCEPTS
Black
This
term has a very long history of being applied to Asians, Africans, African-Caribbeans,
etc. (The great English writer
Thackery used it, because it was widely used by the White population at the
time.) The term has never been
purely descriptive, because no one has a pure Black skin tone, anymore that
White people being the colour of this white paper.
(The term, White is also a political term!)
The term Black has within the last three or so decades been transformed
into a positive term, and is not regarded as derogatory (unless used maliciously
by White people against Black people.)
The
term coloured is still widely used by the White public (and unpoliticised Black
people), indicating not only how much the public lags behind in understanding
race issues, but also that, skin tone has always been a significant
characteristic in classifying people. (This has its roots in pseudoscientific
racism.) The term coloured also has connotations of South Africa, where the term
is/was reserved for people of mixed race. It should be noted, the concept of
race is a social construct, and not a
scientific reality! Furthermore,
Black people are increasingly using the term as a positive assertion of their
identity. Certain groups from the
Middle East now living in Britain, are having to consider how they ought to
classify themselves. It is clear
they will increasingly classify themselves as Black, since in Britain anyone not
considered White, automatically falls into the category of Black.
There is no concept of being half Black or half White, besides which, the
racist term half-caste was coined originally in India by the British as a
derogatory description.
Black
is now widely used in the sociological literature, by many statutory bodies, as
well as by a sizeable section of the Black communities. The term as used here,
unites all those people who suffer
racism and discrimination upon the basis of skin colour.
As with all words, their meaning can change with time, and the last two
or three years has seen an increasing use of the word only for people of African
or African-Caribbean background. (It is difficult to ascertain exactly how this
newer usage of the word is defined by its adherents.) This trend begun in the
South West of England has had a disproportionate impact on the media. Together
with institutions like the BBC which not only sets the tone of debate on a
variety of issues, but also reflects the values of the establishment, the term
is gaining increasing usage, although it is firmly rejected by some politicised
minority communities. The newer use of the term Black arose because of the
method of government funding for various Black groups, whereby competition for
limited resources is encouraged between Asian and African-Caribbeans. Young
Black people are increasingly using the term Black British.
Asian
This
word is usually readily understood, but is nevertheless problematic, because it
generally is not used when referring to Chinese people (although China is
clearly an Asiatic country!) The term is used in the sociological literature,
but in a modified manner - South Asian refers to people from the Indian
subcontinent, while South East Asian refers to Thai, Vietnamese, Korean people,
etc. The term Asian is widely used within the communities from the Indian
subcontinent, who are living in Britain, but the term has no meaning, in
identity terms, for people living in the Indian subcontinent. The term was
coined originally by the European colonialists in East Africa, in the early part
of the 20th century, to distinguish between the indigenous Africans, who were
termed Blacks and the indentured labour brought from the Indian subcontinent to
work on the railways. The term is a
broad one, and does not distinguish between at times the widely differing
cultural practices among the various ethnic groups that it covers. The term is
also preferred by the older generation of Asians (instead of the term Black) for
several reasons: the term Black is still seen as a derogatory word instead of
one that was transformed into a positive term by the civil rights movement in
the U.S.A.; the colour consciousness brought to India by the Aryans; and the
legacy of racist ideology that ranked Asians below Europeans, but above
Africans. The concept of internalised racism, (due to experience of Asian people
of colonialism and colonial education)
is crucial to understanding this last point. This term has been modified by the
communities it refers to into one that reflects the experience of living (or
having been born) in Britain. The preferred term of use is British Asian.
Ethnic
Generally,
those sharing the same culture (i.e. language, religion, dress, food, etc.) are
considered to belong to the same ethnic group.
Everybody belongs to some ethnic group or other, whether it is Welsh,
Scottish or even Yorkshire! The terms used on its own is frequently used by
those who are unfamiliar with race issues, and the term has become
(inappropriately) a sort euphemism for Black people, in much the same way that
the term coloured was, and still is used, instead of more derogatory terms. It
is incorrect to use the term to refer
only to Black communities. The term ethnic minority is technically correct, and
widely used in the literature, and by statutory bodies. However, since this term
equally applies to Poles, Italians, Greeks, etc., quite a few Black people when
they talk in terms of minorities have transformed the term to minority ethnic
groups (as opposed to ethnic minority.)
When
referring to ethnic groups, which are essentially cultural groups, it is
important to keep in mind that members of a cultural group are not homogeneous,
and that cultures are dynamic - they borrow from other cultures and change. Yet
despite this, particularly under the Conservative administrations (of the 1980s
and 1990s), the Right has come to use the term culture to denote race.
When an Indian is racially attacked or abused it is clearly not because
of his/her culture, but because of the concept of race, and racial superiority.
(Note, the Right wing viewpoint does not explain why any Asian person is likely
to be called a 'Paki' even when the ethnicity of the victim is actually known!
Thoroughly westernised Asians also receive similar treatment at the hands of
racists!) While European cultures are regarded as dynamic, Black
peoples' cultures are usually not afforded the same understanding. The talk of
culture conflict with reference to Asian youth, is not only a racist notion, it
also pathologises generational conflict which is characteristic of all human
societies.
RACE, GENDER & CLASS
Each
of the above is the basis of a major form of oppression, but these three factors
interact with each other. The simplistic notion that all men are automatically
oppressors of all women, does not take account of the race or social class of
the men involved e.g. a Black working class man could be considered to be doubly
oppressed by a middle class White woman! The feminist movement until recently
has resisted taking on board issues relating to Black women - indeed much of the
early feminist literature of the 60's and 70's is distinctly White, middle
class, and racist. Obviously, there is some sort of algebraic sum of race,
gender and class factors operating and this algebraic sum is dynamic, changing
with time and the society being examined. In the USA class has less of a bearing, as does race (in
certain situations), than in British society. In British society, experience
shows that of the three factors as they relate to Black people, race is the
overriding factor, (regardless of one's social class or gender) -
this is borne out historically as well as in present times.
It
is important to note that Black women suffer the double oppressions of racism
and sexism, without even considering their social class. Furthermore, it is
important to note that Black women's experience of racism, both historically as
well as during modern times, is not the same as that of Black men. Black women,
during slavery, indentureship and colonialism suffered sexual exploitation in
addition to racism.
Social
class is not an easy factor to define, but is used here as a socio-economic
descriptor. The term class is widely used, even among well educated people, as
though it were an immutable factor. So it is commonplace to hear teachers
(holding down a middle class job, living middle class lifestyles,) referring to
themselves as working class, because their parents were working class. Of the
three major factors discussed in this section, social class is the odd one out -
the others are essential immutable, while one's social class can change. (This
does not imply that some of the values of working class cultures will not be
retained by people moving from one social class position to another.)
Race,
is a difficult notion to explain and integrate into an analysis for many White
people on the Left. The Left generally, either ignores or attempts to hide the
fact, that from the times of the Chartist Movement, to modern times, working
class Whites have treated badly Black people involved in the same class
struggle. There is well documented evidence of racism from the Left. There is
the belief (on the Left) that once the class war is won, the other two major
oppressions, racism and sexism, will disappear, since class oppression subsumes
race and gender oppression. Not only is this analysis simplistic, it also gives
rise to an unhelpful hierarchy of oppressions. A working class Black woman being
abused by a middle class White male, cannot be told that she must wait until
class notions are eliminated before society can address the racism and sexism
she is experiencing.
The
dynamics of race, gender and class are complex but have been elucidated by the
works of (Black) political analysts like Hall, Sivanandan, Mullard, James,
Mukerjee, Parmer, etc. Although most worthwhile analyses of race emanate from
the Left, these writers do not subscribe to a traditional Marxist analysis that
entirely subsumes race into class and ignores Black resistance to racism. (Note,
a Marxist analysis does not necessarily imply one is a Marxist!) Race is seen by
the analysts above, as a key constituent of the reproduction of class relations
because it is one of the factors which provides the material and social base
upon which racism as an ideology flourishes. Race is the main modality through
which the Black members of that class, live, experience, make sense of and thus
come to a consciousness of their structured subordination. Because conventional
class analyses fail to account for the relative position of Black and White
working class people, the term the Black Underclass is sometimes used to
distinguish Black from White working class groups.
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